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is one who loves and serves his own country as a loyal citizen. Is there a connection between quality of life in a country and patriotism?
Should kids say the pledge of allegiance in schools? Should citizens have the right to use the national flag to show how patriotic they are? Is patriotism more about love of native land or people?
Can love of country be stronger than love of family? Does patriotism come naturally or should it be taught?
In the final days of the Third Reich, he told a horrified Albert Speer, his closest confidant at the end, that the German people had proven unworthy and deserved to perish: It is not necessary to worry about what the German people will need for elemental survival.
On the contrary, it is best for us to destroy even those things.
Patriotism springs from love of the nation’s past; nationalism arises out of hope for the nation’s future, distinctive greatness. of the immediate post-Vietnam period and toward what some of us have called a new nationalism.” Assessing Reagan’s presidency two and a half years later (July 1983), Podhoretz trumpeted a “new consensus” against totalitarian Communism.
Nationalism in our time is probably the most powerful of political emotions.” A decade later, in another book on neoconservatism, Kristol (as cited by Lowry and Ponnuru in their recent essay “For Love of Coutnry”) wrote, “The three pillars of modern conservatism are religion, nationalism, and economic growth.” Writing in a few weeks before the inauguration of Ronald Reagan in January 1981, editor Norman Podhoretz heralded a “new nationalist spirit” that had been building in America during the final Carter years. Podhoretz opined, “We know from the survey data that the political mood had been shifting for some years in a consistent direction away from the self-doubts and self-hatreds . This slowly building consensus made Reagan’s election possible. conservatism that lacked any foundation in them.” In 2000, Norman Podhoretz declared that both patriotism (which he defines as “love of” one’s country) and nationalism (which he defines as “pride in” one’s country) is a “common feeling among peoples everywhere,” and so “celebrating or condemning patriotism, and even nationalism, is rather like praising or deploring human nature itself.” Most of the participants in NR’s patriotism-nationalism debate have acknowledged the significance of both the ideological and the cultural foundations of the American regime. requires a culture to sustain it.” Put otherwise, patriotic ideals require nationalist sentiments. Buckley as having said something to the effect that “I’m as patriotic as anyone from sea to shining sea, but there’s not a molecule of nationalism in me.” This is a paraphrase.We don’t know his exact words, we don’t know the context, and, therefore, we don’t really know what he meant.I mean symbols and stories such as Washington crossing the Delaware; the building of the transcontinental railroad; the pioneers on the frontier; the entrepreneurs who created the greatest economy the world has ever known; Gettysburg; the moral force of the civil-rights movement; and the Marines raising the flag on Iwo Jima.If this comes to pass, if patriotism is completely divorced from nationalism, then patriotism itself will be hollowed out, an empty shell.Yoram Hazony argues that Hitler was a racialist-imperialist rather than a nationalist, because he privileged an Aryan racial empire over the German nation.During the Cold War, conservative intellectuals, including Straussians and the brilliant Jesuit priest John Courtney Murray, advanced the concept of America as a “proposition nation” that was in conflict with a rival ideological nation, the Soviet Union.Now, let us go back several decades and examine the exact words and relevant context of several other prominent American conservatives who did not draw a sharp distinction between patriotism and nationalism.Then we will compare their arguments with the recent essays by the proponents of an “enlightened nationalism,” Rich Lowry, Ramesh Ponnuru, and John O’Sullivan, and find them complementary, but with different emphases.Whitman and Dewey “wanted that utopian America to replace God as the unconditional object of desire,” Rorty told us.“They wanted the struggle for social justice to be the county’s animating principle.” During his two terms in office, Barack Obama skillfully modulated and popularized the core progressive narrative of American history as the unfolding of a left-oriented social justice. 49 warned us that even the most “rational” regime is better off with the “prejudices of the community on its side.” (“Prejudices” in the 18th-century understanding did not have the negative connotation that it does today and was closer to the concept of “sentiments.”) If patriotism is defined only as the fulfillment of “shared” American ideals (even as the nation becomes more polarized), then it will be neutered and devoid of any emotional attachment to national symbols and national stories.